Wednesday, July 27, 2016

Zimbabwe Herald Editorial Comment: War Vets Must Be Wary of the Enemy
July 28, 2016
Opinion & Analysis
Zimbabwe Herald

There is no denying that the solidarity meeting organised by war veterans in support of President Mugabe in Harare yesterday was a rushed affair. The reason for the meeting was a communiqué attributed to war veterans who met at Raylton Sports Club in Harare last Thursday which denounced President Mugabe’s leadership and purportedly announced an end to the relationship between Zanu-PF and the Zimbabwe National Liberation War Veterans Association. That the indaba turned out to be such a huge success speaks to the undisputed organisational capacity of the governing Zanu-PF party. It could have been an embarrassing disaster.

That said, President Mugabe rose to the occasion and demonstrated that he is still fully in charge. There were efforts to widen divisions in the party, to split the top leadership; in particular, to try and force the President to fire one of his deputies, Cde Emmerson Mnangagwa.

There were anxious moments when people didn’t know what the President was being asked to do. When the President stood up to speak, he spoke the language of the leader that he is, speaking about the importance of unity in the party. He is more than conscious that Zanu-PF cannot get stronger by continually expelling members on the basis of every allegation. There are bigger issues to deal with in the country and the party and the need for unity cannot be over emphasized.

“Let’s keep together,” said the President. He said people were wont to make allegations which they could not substantiate, but still expected the leadership to act on. That would not happen, he said.

The President’s words must have shocked and embarrassed the gangs in the private media who have a morbid desire for the collapse of Zanu-PF as the only way foreigners can then have a free reign in Zimbabwe through opposition parties they have sponsored since the late 1990s.

President Mugabe also warned the party to be wary of the hand of the enemy within and external which was always looking for chinks to undermine and break up the revolutionary party. If anyone were in doubt as to the President’s sincerity about the need for unity in the party and ranks of the war veterans, such doubts must have been scrubbed off by the words of the Minister for War Veterans, ex-Detainees, ex-Restrictees and their Welfare Retired Colonel Tshinga Dube in his vote of thanks.

He said on his appointment as minister he was given two tasks by the President: to unite the war veterans and to work on improving their welfare. His point was that although he was angry and disappointed by the traitorous communiqué purporting to have been originated by war veterans, he didn’t find it in his mandate to denounce anyone.

He said that would be against the mandate to unite and bring peace among war veterans. That is the task he was given. In our view, this is an example of the leadership speaking with one voice. President Mugabe was not talking about his desire for unity for purposes of pleasing those had gathered in solidarity with him. He was continuing a message he had communicated as a mandate for one of his ministers.

He simply reinforced that desire in his speech, where low lifers expected him to denounce to hell those with different opinions. The biggest task now lies with members in the lower structures of the party. It is here that most are easily influenced by the private media, social media and other gossip and foreigners who use food donations as a bait to sell their vile propaganda.

It is there that the greatest vigilance is required. These are often hungry people who are most susceptible to manipulation by those who assert solidarity with the people of Zimbabwe while fighting their Government.

It is the same old, tried and tested divide and rule tactics of colonial times. The surprise is that they still have believers, worse among people we would expect to know better than the rural folk they despise as illiterate. All we can say is, united we stand. So far so good.
Burundi Dismisses HRW's Gang-rape Allegations Against Ruling Party Youth
Abdur Rahman Alfa Shaban

The government of Burundi says it outrightly rejects allegations by Human Rights Watch (HRW) that members of the youth wing of the ruling Conseil National de Defense de la Democratie – Forces pour la Defense de la Democratie (CNDD FDD) had engaged in gang-raping of relatives of political opponents.

According to Willy Nyamitwe, a media and communications advisor at the presidency, the report was full of falsehood calculated to demonize the ruling party and its youth wing.

He further stated in a series of tweets that the publication was sponsored by elements who were doing everything possible to back calls for the United Nations Security Council to send police officers to the country.

Attackers from Burundi’s ruling party youth league tied up, brutally beat, and gang-raped women, often with their children nearby. Many of the women have suffered long-term physical and psychological consequences.

He stated that the Imbonerakure, youth of the CNDD FDD were not a gang of rapists and that HRW was bent on rehashing old facts of gang-rape even in the face of several denials in the past. ‘‘HRW has lost all the battles against Burundi for months. It will lose this also and the truth will triumph,’‘ he added.

HRW reported on Wednesday that they had found that members of the Imbonerakure, youth league of Burundi’s ruling party had severally gang-raped relations of political opponents.

The group further reported in its communique titled ‘Burundi: Gang Rapes Ruling Party Youth’ that male members of the opposition who were targeted by the youth and security services (particularly the police) were killed or abducted whiles the rape took place.

A women’s right emergencies researcher with the group said “Attackers from Burundi’s ruling party youth league tied up, brutally beat, and gang-raped women, often with their children nearby.

“Many of the women have suffered long-term physical and psychological consequences,” Skye Wheeler added.

The international rights group said it interviewed over 70 rape victims in May this year in the Nduta refugee camp in Tanzania, a camp that currently holds 140,000 Burundian refugees.

The lack of funding from donor agencies towards the welfare of refugees is also worsening the situation. The UN refugee agency reported that donors have provided less than 40% of funds requested to help Burundi refugees in Tanzania.

Human Rights Watch said it was still awaiting a response from president of the ruling party, Pascal Nyabenda, following a submission of its findings to his office on July 12, 2016.

President Pierre Nkurunziza’s decision to seek a third term as president led to political unrest since April last year. He went on to win elections in July and was subsequently sworn in as president.

Rebel groups have been making the country ungovernable with tit-for-tat assassinations and running grenade and gun battles that have killed more than 450 people and forced over 250,000 people to flee the country.

Human Rights Watch?

Human Rights Watch as the name implies is a global human rights institution. They investigate issues of rights abuses by governments and institutions and expose the facts widely in the media.

HRW also puts pressure on those with power to respect rights and secure justice. It is an independent outfit that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all.
Somalia: Kenyan Police Join AMISOM to Boost Security
A group of ten Kenyan police officers have joined the African Union Peacekeeping Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) to help enhance security in the Horn of Africa nation.

AMISOM said in a statement on Monday that the Individual Police Officers (IPOs) are tasked with mentoring the Somali Police Force (SPF), part of the wider AMISOM police component mandate, to build the capacity of the SPF and transform it into a credible and effective institution that adheres to international policing standards.

The police officers have earlier completed a one-week induction course aimed at educating them on the mandate of the AMISOM.

AMISOM Police Chief of Staff, Rex Dundun urged the officers to prepare themselves for the tasks ahead, especially for the forthcoming elections.

"You are coming in at a time when the police component is actually scaling down due to rotations and at the same time, we are preparing for the forthcoming elections which make the tasks before you herculean," Dundun said.

"I am sure that you will be able to cope, with the training that you have got and the prospect we have seen in you," he added.

The officers have been undertaking the induction course in Mogadishu since July 18 to orient them with the Mission's objectives.

Superintendent of Police (SP) Rachael Munge Kironji said the officers were ready to help AMISOM achieve its mandate.

"We feel capacitated to undertake the tasks ahead of us. As we embark on our AMISOM duties we will continuously remind ourselves of the mandate of AMISOM and we promise to work towards its achievement," Kironji said.

AMISOM Police Coordinator of Training, Francis Aryee said the induction training would prepare the police officers for the major tasks relating to law and order and the implementation of the Concept of Operations.
Former Lawmaker Was One of African Union Base Suicide Bombers in Somalia
A United Nations peacekeepers' armoured personnel carrier (APC) is seen near the scene of a suicide bombing near the African Union's main peacekeeping base in Mogadishu, Somalia, July 26, 2016. REUTERS/Ismail Taxta?

By Feisal Omar

MOGADISHU, July 27 – A former Islamist lawmaker turned al Shabaab militant was one of the drivers in Tuesday’s double car bomb attack on the African Union’s main peacekeeping base in Somalia, al Shabaab said.

The militants said in a radio broadcast that Salah Nur Ismail, who joined al Shabaab in 2010, was one of those to blow himself up in the attack which killed 13 people, mainly guards from a private security firm.

In the broadcast aired late on Tuesday on the militants’ radio al Andalus, Ismail, also known by the nickname of Badbaado, said in audio recorded before the attack that he would be one of the suicide bombers.

Government officials were not immediately available for a comment.

Somalia is scheduled to hold a presidential election next month and security analyst say al Shabaab could take advantage of the distraction caused by campaigning to launch more attacks.

Sheikh Abdiasis Abu Musab, al Shabaab’s military operation spokesman, confirmed Ismail’s participation in the attack.

“Salah defected from the parliament in 2010, joined us and repented and he became a martyr today,” Abu Musab told Reuters.

“The current so-called Somali government lawmakers should follow suit. We are telling them to take part in the jihad via the same procedures,” the spokesman added.

Ismail, who was from Somaliland, joined parliament in 2009 as one of 275 Islamists nominated by former President Sheikh Sharif Ahmed. He joined al Shabaab the following year, accusing the government of abandoning religious principles.
Baltimore City State's Attorney Marilyn Mosby Explains Decision
Mosby talks on prosecuting officers in death of Freddie Gray

6:45 PM EDT Jul 27, 2016

BALTIMORE —Shortly after the charges were dropped against the remaining officers charged in the police in-custody of Freddie Gray, Baltimore City State's Attorney Marilyn Mosby gave an impassioned speech in front of the Freddie Gray Memorial in west Baltimore.

Mosby defended her decision to charge the officers in May 2015. Mosby told 11 News the decision to drop the charges was not an easy one for her and her team.

While many may look at it as a loss for her, she told 11 News in a one-on-one interview that she sees it a different way.

"I have decided not to proceed on the case against Officer Garrett Miller, Sgt. Alicia White or relitigate the case against William Porter," Mosby said.

In the Sandtown-Winchester neighborhood where Gray was arrested and with a mural of his memory behind her, Mosby announced she will not try the three remaining cases surrounding Gray's death, saying the deck was stacked against her. She cited the following reasons: a judge did not see the evidence that her office did and push back from the Baltimore City Police Department.

"There was a reluctance and an obvious bias consistently exemplified, not by the entire Baltimore police force, but by individuals within the Baltimore Police Department at every stage of the investigation," Mosby said.

During 11 News' one-on-one interview, Mosby said, "We are up against a system that, unfortunately was against us."

Mosby explained why she and her office made the decision, which she said was a difficult one.

"We're ready to proceed in these cases, and it was a matter of, 'Is this in the best interest of the city? Is this in the best interest in justice for Freddie Gray?'" Mosby said.

Ultimately, Mosby and her staff felt dropping the charges would still be the best way to continue reforms within the police department despite not getting a conviction.

Mosby was asked about her critics that said all along that she made a rush to judgement. She said the evidence in the medical examiner’s report was the tipping point.

"When she came back and determined that it was a homicide, that's all that we needed. We had all the officers' admissions, so we had a story and a timeline as to how the incident occurred. There was nothing else that they found, even after the fact the charges were filed the counter what we did initially," Mosby said.

Mosby also said things are a lot more transparent in the police department than when this all started, citing new protocols when it comes to arrests, the implementation of body cameras and training wagon drivers.

"There are so many things. Although we did not get the verdict, we still were able to pursue justice, and we were in a much better place than we were 14 months ago. That's not to say that it's the best, but we have a lot of work to do, and now is the time to do it," Mosby said.

Mosby also wanted to make it clear that she felt the current police administration led by Commissioner Kevin Davis has been cooperative to work with going forward.

She also still stood by her original statement 14 months ago that she believes Gray’s death was a homicide.
Prosecutor in Freddie Gray Case: I'm Not Anti-police
By Ray Sanchez and Eliott C. McLaughlin, CNN
7:59 PM ET, Wed July 27, 2016

Shortly after being elected nearly two years ago, Baltimore State's Attorney Marilyn Mosby said prosecutors in her troubled city had the "toughest job in America."

It's not getting any easier.

After three police officers were acquitted in recent months of charges related to last year's high-profile death of Freddie Gray, prosecutors announced Wednesday they were dropping all charges against the three remaining officers facing trial in connection with Gray's death.

The news was a defeat for Mosby, who had announced the charges against the six officers in May 2015 -- four months after she took the job as the city's top prosecutor. At the time, she drew praise from some who admired how swiftly she took on the case, and criticism from others who said there wasn't enough evidence to convict the officers.

But on Wednesday Mosby said she had no choice but to drop the charges -- ending a 15-month legal saga that strained relations between her office and the city's police department.

'Dismal likelihood of conviction'

Still, Mosby struck a defiant tone. Standing at the intersection where police arrested Gray in April 2015 she railed against police officers whom she accused of kneecapping her office's investigation.

Police investigating police is "problematic," she said, citing "the obvious bias consistently exemplified" by some officers throughout the case. Officers who were witnesses were placed on the investigation team, lead detectives were uncooperative, the department launched a "counter-investigation" to disprove her case and officers created notes after the case was launched and gave them to the defense months before they were provided to the state, she alleged.

Baltimore Fraternal Order of Police President Gene Ryan called Mosby's accusations "outrageous" and "simply not true." Ivan Bates, an attorney for Sgt. Alicia White -- one of the six accused officers -- appeared at police union headquarters with his client and the other five officers and said it was Mosby's office that had denied the Gray family justice.

CNN legal analyst Paul Callan, a former prosecutor, said Mosby's passionate speech that suggested police collusion and tampering with evidence, was "the most inflammatory statement I have ever seen a prosecutor deliver."

'Not an indictment' of all police

Mosby, 35, comes from a long line of police officers, including her late grandfather, four uncles and her mother. Her grandfather, she noted, was a founding member of the first African-American police organization in Massachusetts.

While announcing charges, Mosby said she was not anti-police.

"To the rank-and-file officers of the Baltimore City Police Department, please know that the accusations of these six officers are not an indictment on the entire force," she said at the time. She reiterated that sentiment during Wednesday's remarks.

"For those that believe that I'm anti-police, it's simply not the case. I'm anti-police brutality. And I need not remind you that the only loss -- and the greatest loss -- in all of this was that of Freddie Gray's life," Mosby told reporters Wednesday.

Marilyn Mosby comes from a long line of police officers, including her grandfather, four uncles and her mother.

Marilyn Mosby comes from a long line of police officers, including her grandfather, four uncles and her mother.

Gray died at hospital April 19, 2015, from a fatal spinal cord injury, one week after he was taken into custody. Prosecutors argued the 25-year-old suffered the injury while being transported "handcuffed, shackled by his feet and unrestrained" inside a police van. It is against police policy to transport a prisoner without proper restraints such as a seat belt.

Gray's mysterious death turned the largely black city near the nation's capital into a tinderbox. Mostly peaceful demonstrations erupted in pockets of looting and rioting in the hours after Gray's funeral. A citywide curfew was put into effect, and National Guard troops joined Baltimore police in an attempt to maintain order.

As police handed their investigative files over to the state attorney's officer a day earlier than planned, supporters of the former insurance company lawyer expressed confidence in Mosby's ability to handle the volatile case.

'We have much more confidence in her'

"We're enthusiastic about the new prosecutor," said William "Billy" Murphy Jr., a former Baltimore judge who is lead attorney for Gray's family. "She comes to the office with a belief in the integrity of these kinds of investigations. We have much more confidence in her than we have in the police because there's never been any level of confidence, nor should there be, in the police investigating themselves."

"We ask for the public to remain patient and peaceful and to trust the process of the justice system," she said.

Mosby is married to Baltimore City Councilman Nick Mosby, who represents areas of West Baltimore where riots erupted in April 2015. The Mosbys have two young daughters.

"She's a strong woman," Nick Mosby told CNN at the time. "She was built for this. ... I was at church service the other day and they were talking about being at the right place with the right person at the right time. I know her heart has always been convicted to ensure that justice will be served fairly and equally across the board."

Cousin's death brought exposure to criminal justice system

During her campaign against Gregg Bernstein in 2014, Mosby spoke about the broad-daylight shooting death of her 17-year-old cousin on her front doorstep.

"I learned very early on that the criminal justice system isn't just the police, the judges and the state's attorney," she said. "It's much more than that. I believe that we are the justice system. We, the members of the community, are the justice system because we are the victims of crimes."

Mosby said her cousin's 1994 murder was her introduction to the criminal justice system.

"Having to go to court and deal with prosecutors," she said. "Having to go to court and see my neighbor who had the courage and audacity to cooperate with the police ... to testify in court and the way the district attorney's office treated my family is something that inspired me."

Mosby, who grew up in Boston, is the youngest chief prosecutor of any major American city, according to the state's attorney's website.

At age 6, Mosby was accepted into a school desegregation program in Massachusetts. She later participated in a study of the civil rights movement.

"After having that awesome experience I knew I wanted to be an attorney," she said during her campaign.

A. Dwight Pettit, a civil rights attorney and Mosby supporter, said at the time charges were filed against the six officers that he felt Mosby would "deliver on doing it right, and getting it right. I'm confident in that."

"She's very dedicated and part of what she campaigned on was bringing integrity to the office, and so
I believe that she will move in a methodical way," he said. "And I think that she will follow where the evidence leads. I do not think she will follow just public opinion."

Prosecutor said it's time to rebuild trust

When she was sworn in as chief prosecutor in January 2015, Mosby brought up the lack of trust between the community and police.

"Our time to repair that trust, to come together collectively as a community to start to break down the barriers to progress in our communities is now," she said.

Mosby added, "As a black woman who understands just how much the criminal justice system disproportionately affects communities of color, I will seek justice on your behalf."

Mosby is African-American, as are Mayor Stephanie Rawlings-Blake and other leading Baltimore officials. About 63% of Baltimore's population is black, but the city faces stunning disparities between black and white residents when it comes to income, employment, poverty, housing, incarceration and overall health.
Black Lives Matter Protesters Chant “Hillary Has Blood on Her Hands!” at DNC March
BLM activists shouted "Don't vote for Hillary, she's killing black people!" at an anti-DNC rally in Philadelphia


Several hundred Black Lives Matter protesters marched six miles from northern Philadelphia, through downtown, to the Democratic National Convention in the south of the city on Tuesday.

The march was led by the Philly Coalition for REAL (Racial, Economic And Legal) Justice. The group called the demonstration #BLKDNCResistance.

At the front of the march, activists held banners reading “Hillary, delete yourself” and “Hillary has blood on her hands.”

Upon reaching Philadelphia’s city hall, the leaders of the protest began numerous anti-Hillary Clinton chants.

“I believe that we will win! F**k Hillary!” they sang.

“Don’t vote for Hillary, she’s killing black people!” they chanted.

They added: “Hillary has blood on her hands!” and “F**k the system!”

During the march, Philly Coalition for REAL Justice activists stopped several times to give speeches. They expressed solidarity with people in Palestine, Puerto Rico, Haiti and more — and condemned Clinton for her staunch support for the Israeli government, despite its crimes against the Palestinians; Clinton’s backing of the PROMESA bill, which critics say installs a “colonial” U.S. control board in Puerto Rico; and the Clinton Foundation’s exploitation of the earthquake in Haiti.
Thousands of Black Lives Matter Activists Protest During the DNC
March organizer Morgan Malachi tells TRNN's Kwame Rose the Democratic Party has not improved education, housing, or policing in Philadelphia


PRODUCER: Kwame Rose here live for the Real News Network in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania at the Black Resistance DNC March.

I’m here with one of the organizers, Morgan.


ROSE: Morgan Malachi. Morgan, tell me the purpose for organizing this rally here today.

MALACHI: Yeah, the purpose is just to expand upon the work that we’ve been doing for years and that is against police terrorism, specifically here in Philadelphia and also issues of stop and frisk, gentrification, and just the economic disparities that exist in the African American community.

ROSE: Well Morgan, obviously the Democratic National Convention is going on here in Philadelphia. What are some of the issues that the community in Philadelphia is tackling as thousands of lawmakers and delegates are here for essentially a celebration for Democracy?

MALACHI: Well we’re tackling everything that we’re talking about in this march. Again police terrorism, we’re tackling issues of gentrification which is you know very pervasive here in Philly, also issues with our education system that is being crazily defunded, issues with just economics in general in terms of high unemployment and lack of jobs.

ROSE: Megan you and your colleagues, we had a conversation earlier about an incident that happened in Baltimore where you felt as though the voices of women and transgender folks involved in the black lives matter movement were being silenced and weren’t being allowed to have a platform. Is the black lives matter movement, is it one of inclusion for the groups you all said were being not represented in Baltimore?

MALACHI: I think that the black lives matter movement, and I think that we need to be clear about speaking about the organizations that exist but then also the broader movement that has other organizations other than BLM. But I think a lot of them are just reflections of society. So I think in a lot of ways we’re still battling with misogyny, misogynoir as I like to call it. We’re also battling with transphobia and heterosexism just like the broader community. But I think as revolutionaries and as activists it’s our duty to truly be intentional about tackling those things here in the coalition and other organizations here in Philadelphia we have explicitly stated that we’re against misogyny, we are against transphobia, and we are against heterosexism. So that’s something that we are truly intentional about fighting for here in our space.

ROSE: Morgan last night Michelle Obama talked about the fact that her two black daughters will now be able to see a woman become president essentially in Hillary Clinton. I don’t know if you had a chance to watch Michelle Obama’s speech. What are your thoughts on her essentially saying my black daughters and then endorsing Hillary Clinton who we know hasn’t responded the very best to the black lives matter movement or folks involved in the larger movement?

MALACHI: You know I think it’s unfortunate but I don’t think that Hillary Clinton or honestly Michelle Obama, really speaks to the conditions or the aspirations of the black masses. You know Michelle and Barack Obama; they are part of the black exceptions. People who have made it, people who have a certain level of economic privilege and I don’t think they’re really truly connected to what is happening to people living in the worst conditions in our society. So yea it’s amazing for Michelle and her daughters that they can see this white liberal feminist in the White House but that’s not going to do anything to a poor and oppressed black, Latina, and Asian women do not have that type of access. So I don’t see any reason why those groups of women would be proud to see Hillary. In fact, I think it’s kind of a slap in the face for them.

ROSE: And who would you like to see as president, that you think would represent the issues best.

MALACHI: I think that right now we have some great third party candidates. A lot of people are
really excited about Jill Stein’s campaign. But personally I’m really in favor of the Moorehead/Lily campaign. They’'re with Worker’s World. They’re just a really dynamic group of socialist minded, economic justice minded, and also racial justice minded comrades that we have who are really speaking to the issue that we’re talking about tonight. But I think in terms of us electing third party candidates, even fourth or fifth party candidates will definitely take a long time. But this is part of the political education that is a major aspect of what we do in organizing here.

ROSE: And finally, we’ve noted that several times that the RNC protestors were met by police officers dressed in like Robocop riot gear. How are police relations with organizers here holding protests in Philadelphia. Not just this week but in previous weeks. Is it aggressive? What’s the atmosphere and the community relationship like that?

MALACHI: I think that whenever you’re out in the streets of a major city speaking out against police terror, the police are going to respond in a violent manner and that is traditionally what we’ve seen here. People have another view of Philadelphia because of Charles Ramsey and his whole like Barack Obama and 21st policing initiative. But that hasn’t really meant anything to those of us that are on the streets. The police are very antagonistic. Police have beat our people. The police have arrested people unjustly and also just know they typical repression that of course we saw in Baltimore is something that we deal with here in Philly on a daily basis.

ROSE: I talked to one black police captain the other day who referenced that the police have made significant improvements since the bombing of MOVE in Philadelphia. 31 years ago Philadelphia police essentially dropped a bomb on a house where activists lived. Women, children, and men were killed during that. How do you think the police relations since then have progressed? Or has it at all?

MALACHI: I think that when people who are in charge of policing have to reference the MOVE bombing to judge how far we supposedly have come with policing is kind of ridiculous. Like you literally had the police district who was being funded by tax payers, drop a bomb on someone. We’re supposed to be happy that okay you guys have stopped dropping bombs on us but you’re doing other things in a more covert manner that are equally as suppressive and equally as bad. And so even though we might not have the image of black people being bombed out of their house like we did back in 85, in Philly the police are still operating in very oppressive and very violent ways that every Philadelphian knows about. It’s quite clear this is just a part of their public relations campaign to make themselves seem as if they are protecting the rights of protesters when they’re actually working against us every step of the way.

ROSE: Thank you, Morgan Malachi, here from Black Resistance DNC. Kwame Rose for the Real News Network.
Emotions and Police Presence Run High at DNC Black Lives Matter Protest
Mary Emily O'Hara
Daily Dot
July 26 at 9:29PM

Black Lives Matter rally DNC A tense protest tempered by kindness and tea.

A Tuesday evening protest at Philadelphia City Hall brought black community issues to the forefront of the Democratic National Convention—and drew more police presence than any other rally this week.

What appeared to be two or three separate marches converged into one outside City Hall at around 5pm ET, bringing a Black Lives Matter contingent together with local groups addressing gentrification, the ongoing imprisonment of local journalist Mumia Abu-Jamal, and Bernie Sanders supporters.

A series of vehicles pulled into the street adjacent to the city hall building—including a truck adorned with African flags and megaphones—and stopped in the street to create a blockade for the protesters. Speaking from the truck bed, activists railed against the Hillary Clinton campaign, called for an end to the deportations of immigrants, and roused chants of “black lives matter.”

“Black people, right now, are leading the way when it comes to making the police accountable,” said an activist who spoke from the truck and identified himself as Mexican-American.

Ramil Carr, a Philadelphia resident and activist with the local Concerned Citizens of Point Breeze, told the Daily Dot that the issues being raised were all related and rooted in shared experiences.

“Not only are we getting killed, but we’re getting pushed out of our communities,” said Carr, speaking of creeping gentrification in Philadelphia. “From 2010 to this year, about 8,000 families have been moved out because they can’t afford to live there because [developers] are building condos.”

A brief clash between protesters broke out after a white man with a Bernie sign poured water over a “F**k the Police” message that a black 12-year-old boy had drawn in chalk—an incident that frustrated older black activists who witnessed it and confronted the man.

The Daily Dot spoke to the child, whose first name was Su’kai and who had written the chalk message before it was destroyed.

“Somebody just poured water on my chalk,” said Su’kai. “And like, I don’t think all cops are bad. But most of them are. Nobody should be killed—all lives matter. Not just black, not just Caucasian, all lives matter.”

Police presence at the protest was stunning, with hundreds of officers stationed on bicycles on all four sides of the rally that looked to be about 500 people. Police helicopters circled overhead, and countless police vehicles—from squad cars to arrest vans to counterterrorism units and ambulances—laid in wait in an area covering a roughly five-block radius in each direction.

When the rally broke into a march down Broad Street at around 7:30pm, it was followed by a line of police vehicles as far as the eye could see—a stark contrast to earlier Sanders-focused marches that drew a dozen or so officers on bicycles.

Carr noted the high police presence, and he also remarked on some of the defensive comments that some white Americans have made about the Black Lives Matter movement.

“I think they’re scared, because of the misconceptions,” Carr told the Daily Dot. “But what we’re saying isn’t that black lives matter more, it’s that we matter equally to everyone. We’re just saying we need equality.”

But the rally wasn’t all tension; a portion of the crowd was made up of people there simply to offer support for the activists.

Among green-hatted legal aid observers and volunteers carrying armloads of water bottles to hand out, there was a converted camper adorned with signs offering “Free Tea.” The van’s creator and primary occupant, Guisepi, told the Daily Dot he’s lived in the vehicle for 10 years. It runs on vegetable oil, he said, with an intricate inner apartment built from recycled scrap materials.

Guisepi’s travels, fueled by a desire to live free of financial transactions and show that “relationships are the truest currency,” are documented on his blog The bus, and its gifts of tea to passersby, has been featured in the New York Times and the Texas Standard.

Parked next to the tea van, smack in the middle of the road, were two “relief” vehicles set aside for elderly and disabled rally attendees. Both looked like rented cargo vans. Each was full of occupants who needed a place to sit and rest or for those who needed to cool off in the air conditioning. The vehicles also served those who simply weren’t physically able to stand or walk.

A vision-impaired woman climbing out of a relief van, white cane in hand, told the Daily Dot that the vans had been driving alongside multiple protests that day and that relief vans are a frequent appearance at Black Lives Matter rallies in Philadelphia and Baltimore.

“In New York City, we have medics, but we don’t have relief vehicles. And that’s something I’m trying to encourage there,” said Terrea Mitchell, an organizer with the People’s Power Assembly in New York. 
Black Lives Matter Supporters March Against Clinton: ‘Hard to Trust’
“Hell no, DNC/We won’t vote for Hillary,” demonstrators chanted during a Black Lives Matter protest during the second day of the Democratic National Convention.

By S.A. Miller - The Washington Times
Tuesday, July 26, 2016

PHILADELPHIA — Hillary Clinton is using the Democratic National Convention to aggressively woo minority voters, whom she is relying on to put her over the top in November, and she enlisted President Obama to spearhead the effort with a keynote speech Wednesday.

But the bid to reunite the coalition of black and Hispanic voters who were instrumental in Mr. Obama’s two White House wins ran into powerful headwinds Tuesday from the Black Lives Matter movement. Black protesters took to streets with calls to shut down the convention just as Mrs. Clinton received the nomination and made history as the first female standard-bearer for a major political party.

As several hundred Black Lives Matters protesters marched through the city toward the convention at the Wells Fargo Center, the crowd chanted, “Hell no, DNC/We won’t vote for Hillary!”

White activists outnumbered black ones in the Black Lives Matter demonstration. But young black men and women in the crowd said they weren’t voting for Mrs. Clinton. Many said they would back Green Party candidate Jill Stein.

Samantha Eusebio joined the march spontaneously on her way home from work as a museum educator. She said she used to support Mrs. Clinton.

“Hearing all that’s been happening, I don’t know what to believe anymore,” said Ms. Eusebio, who twice voted for Mr. Obama for president.

The marchers chanted, “Don’t vote for Hillary. She’s killing black people!”

Inside the convention, one of the themes for the day was Mrs. Clinton’s commitment to social justice.

Speakers included former Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr., the first black person to hold the title of America’s top cop, and eight black women dubbed “Mothers of the Movement,” whose sons died at the hands of police and galvanized activists throughout the country.

Her nomination at the convention was seconded by civil rights icon Rep. John Lewis of Georgia.
Still, Mrs. Clinton has a complicated relationship with black voters.

Her husband, former President Bill Clinton, was popular with black voters, and Mrs. Clinton shared in some of that affection. However, their support for tough-on-crime laws during the Clinton administration caused mass incarcerations of black men that the activists now denounce. Mrs. Clinton’s warnings in the 1990s of “superpredators” today is being called a racist “dog whistle.”

During this year’s campaign, she repeatedly sided with Black Lives Matter, even when the movement inspired deadly attacks on police officers in Dallas and in Baton Rouge, Louisiana. Still, she has been criticized for tossing out a Black Lives Matter activist who crashed one of her private fundraising events.

At the protest, 28-year-old Duan Byrd said he was more concerned about Mrs. Clinton’s cozy relationship with Wall Street than her social justice policies. But mostly he didn’t trust her.

“It’s not that her [stated] policies for minorities aren’t good. It’s just hard to trust that she’ll hold true to them,” he said.

Rep. G.K. Butterfield, North Carolina Democrat and chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus, said Mrs. Clinton’s success in November depends on her ability to motivate black and Hispanic voters to turn out at similar levels as they did for Mr. Obama.

“No question about it,” he said.

Mr. Butterfield said he was confident that Mr. Obama’s convention speech would help by “telegraphing a message that they are immovable” in their support for minorities.

He predicted that Mrs. Clinton would win in a landslide, with the help of minority voters.

Mr. Obama, the country’s first black president, drove record high turnout among black voters and received a landslide share of their vote, 96 percent in 2008 and 93 percent in 2012.

Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump likely needs to crack 12 percent of the black vote to prevail. That is more than George W. Bush won in 2000 (9 percent) and in 2004 (11 percent).

Mr. Trump was supported by 1 percent of black voters in a national poll last month by Quinnipiac University, which gave Mrs. Clinton a narrow overall lead, 42 percent to 40 percent. Mrs. Clinton got 91 percent of the black vote, with the other 8 percent either undecided, not voting or wanting someone else.

Mr. Trump does better with Hispanic voters but still trails Mrs. Clinton by a wide margin, 76 percent to 14 percent, according to an NBC News/Wall Street Journal poll.

Luci Riley, a California delegate to the Democratic convention with ties to Black Lives Matter groups, said young black men are tuning out the message from Mrs. Clinton and other establishment figures. “They’re not voting at all. They have given up on the system entirely,” she said.

Indiana delegate Gina Paradis agreed.

“It doesn’t matter what kind of figureheads from minority groups you put up on the stage,” she said.

“Minorities are more distrustful of the establishment than any other group.”

Ms. Paradis, who worked organizing inner-city voters for Sen. Bernard Sanders during the Democratic primary, said the high level of distrust of Mrs. Clinton in the electorate was acute among black voters. “They don’t trust Hillary,” she said.
Britain in the Doldrums After the Brexit Vote
July 27, 2016
Deepak Tripath Correspondent

The recent referendum on Britain’s membership of the European Union was a people’s revolt which unleashed a series of unintended consequences. The result was unexpected, and its aftershocks ended more than a handful of political careers. Prime Minister David Cameron, who had vigorously campaigned to remain in the EU, resigned the following day. The euphoria which the Leave campaign’s “victory” generated did not last. Several leading figures of the winning side withdrew from the front line.

Nigel Farage, a vehement anti-EU and anti-immigration politician, stood down as leader of the right-wing populist UK Independence Party. Farage claimed that he had done his bit, and was going to spend time with his family. Boris Johnson, former mayor of London, whose last-minute decision to join and become co-leader of the Leave campaign, announced that he would not enter the race to succeed David Cameron as the Conservative Party leader and prime minister. George Osborne, chancellor of the exchequer (finance minister), who was seen as a future prime minister, also decided not to enter the leadership contest.

Amid the shock of Brexit, the party’s “big beasts” Michael Gove and Liam Fox were eliminated from the leadership race in the first two rounds. The Home Secretary Theresa May, a quiet Remainer, found herself in a commanding position among Conservative Members of Parliament. Chris Grayling, another Leaver, made a tactical retreat without even entering the race. Andrea Leadsom, a junior minister, took a distant second place. Her lack of judgment and experience were soon obvious. Leadsom retired hurt after growing criticisms from party members and the press.

Leadsom’s withdrawal left Theresa May as the last candidate standing in the field. Thus she became the leader of the party and prime minister.

Two striking features emerged from May’s appointment of a new Cabinet on taking office. The overwhelming majority of her ministers were in the Remain camp, as she herself was, before the vote. Nevertheless, she did bring some prominent figures of the Leave camp into her cabinet. She has given them departments with the responsibility to negotiate Britain’s exit from the European Union, and to find new trade deals to plug the big hole which leaving the EU will create.

The appointment of Boris Johnson, an outspoken politician who has a reputation for making undiplomatic remarks, as Britain’s foreign secretary, has caused astonishment, ridicule and anger in Europe and the United States. Johnson has few friends, but many foes. The new Brexit Secretary, David Davis, was minister of state for Europe 20 years ago. Liam Fox has been given the department of international trade, and Andrea Leadsom environment, food and rural affairs – a department which has to deal with massive EU subsidies for farmers.

These four politicians were the main faces of the Leave campaign in the governing Conservative Party before the referendum. Now they are entrusted with the heavy responsibility of making Britain’s exit happen. For them, the time for sloganeering is over. Now they must deliver. The presence of some of the most vocal Leavers in a cabinet which has a safe majority of Remainers looks like a Machiavellian device to keep opponents in and, at the same time, contain them. If they fail, people will hold them responsible.

The United Kingdom leaving the EU would be a walk into the dark, for there is no precedence of a member state walking out of the association. Once Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty is triggered, the process would be extremely complex, tense and risky. The prime minister has announced that she will chair three new cabinet committees which will focus on the European Union and international trade, economy and industrial strategy, and social reform. The Brexiteers who found a place in the cabinet achieved high office, but with their wings clipped. Theresa May, to whom they should be grateful, will always be watching their every move.

This outcome shows that winners are often losers in the chaotic aftermath of a popular mutiny, for that is what the referendum was. Rebellion continues to simmer under the surface in the governing Conservative Party, which has a working majority of just 16 in parliament. There are about 20 hard-line MPs who will stop at nothing short of complete exit from the EU, and Theresa May has either sacked or not promoted around 25 Tory MPs, who are unhappy. The prime minister may be safe in the cabinet she has chosen now, but the prospects of revolt in the near future are high.

The origins of the people’s revolt in the EU referendum are worth exploring. A close examination of how different groups voted is revealing. While 70 percent 18 to 24-year-old voters wanted the United Kingdom to remain in the European Union, there was a steady decline in support for the EU among older age groups. Among those aged 65 years or more, 61 percent voted to Leave. Britain’s ageing population has been on the rise for years.

Older people with lingering memories of World War II look negatively at the EU, in which Germany is the most powerful member-state.

Support for remaining in the EU among voters with a university degree was 71 percent. It declined with lower education to the extent that almost two-thirds of voters with a high school diploma chose to Leave. Across the political spectrum, the more right-wing voters were, the stronger their opposition to Britain’s membership of the EU and free movement of people. So Labour and Liberal-Democrat voters backed the idea to remain in large numbers while backing for leaving among Conservative and UK Independence Party supporters was very high. Scotland and Northern Ireland voted to remain. England and Wales went against. The referendum has divided families, with young and ambitious graduates wanting to travel on one side. Their parents and grandparents on the other.

Most worrying is the divide between rich and poor in England and Wales. Communities devastated by the demise of the coal and steel industries since the 1980s have still not recovered. Young, able and ambitious have moved to other parts of the country, indeed to other European countries. Left behind are the old, the less educated and the poorly skilled whose wages are easily undercut by new arrivals from other EU countries. Years of hardship, isolation and hopelessness have made them bitter and resentful. A great many of them saw in the referendum their only opportunity to punish the rich and the powerful, who had failed them. To vote Leave was their only weapon.

The United Kingdom has not seen such deep polarisation in living memory. The pound has crashed. Confidence in the economy has suffered a sharp decline. Prime Minister Theresa May has said that she will not trigger Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty, and start the exit process this year. For the country faces major challenges – to negotiate the exit from the EU; at the same time to maintain as much access to the European single market as possible; to negotiate dozens of new trade deals with countries around the world. These are monumental challenges. It is doubtful whether the United Kingdom has the ability to meet them without having to pay the price.

– Counterpunch
Africa on Course Despite Economic Slowdown
July 27, 2016

Sub-Saharan Africa remains one of the fastest growing regions in the world, and Africa is one of only two regions globally achieving growth in Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) levels in 2015. This is according to EY’s 2016 Africa attractiveness survey, Staying the course, which has found that in 2015, FDI project numbers increased by 7 percent.EY explains that although the capital value of projects was down year-on-year — from $88,5 billion in 2014 to $71,3 billion in 2015 — this was still higher than the 2010–2014 average of $68 billion.

Similarly, jobs created were down year-on-year, but, again ahead of the average for 2010–2014.

Ajen Sita, Africa Chief Executive Officer at EY, comments, “Over the past year, global markets have experienced unprecedented volatility.

We’ve witnessed the collapse of commodity prices and a number of currencies across Africa, and with reference to the two largest markets, starting with South Africa, we saw GDP growth decline sharply to below one percent and the country averting a credit ratings downgrade; in Nigeria, the slowdown in that economy was impacted further by the decline in the oil price and currency devaluation pressure.”

Sita adds, “The reality is that economic growth across the region is likely to remain slower in coming years than it has been over the past 10 to 15 years, and the main reasons for a relative slowdown are not unique to Africa. In fact, Africa was one of the only two regions in the world in which there was growth in FDI project levels over the past year.”

East Africa closes the FDI gap

According to EY in 2015, East Africa recorded its highest share of FDI across Africa, achieving 26,3 percent of total projects.

Southern Africa remained the largest investment region on the continent, although projects were down 11,6 percent from 2014 levels. The West Africa region saw a rebound in FDI projects by 16,2 percent, and interestingly in 2015, the region became the leading recipient of capital investment on the continent, outpacing Southern Africa.

North Africa experienced 8,5 percent year-on-year growth in FDI projects. Furthermore, while projects are increasing in North Africa, they are increasing at a much faster rate in Sub-Saharan Africa, the report adds.

Michael Lalor, EY’s Africa Business Centre leader, says, “In a context of heightened concerns about economic and political risk across the continent, FDI flows remain robust, and in line with levels we have seen over the past five years. A key factor here is the structural shift in FDI — from a high concentration of source countries and destination markets and sectors, to a far more diverse FDI landscape. As a result, risks and opportunities are being spread much wider, and there is no longer an over-dependence on a limited group of investors or sectors to drive FDI performance.”

According to EY’s data the US retained its position in 2015, as the largest investor in the continent, with 96 investment projects valued at $6,9 billion. During 2015, traditional investors such as the UK and France, as well as the UAE and India, also showed renewed interest in Africa.

“Over the past decade, there has been a shift in sector focus in FDI from extractive to consumer-facing industries. Mining and metals, coal, oil and natural gas, which were previously the key sectors attracting major FDI flows, have given way to consumer products and retail (CPR), financial services and technology, media and telecommunications (TMT), accounting for 44,7 percent of FDI projects in 2015. In 2015, further evidence of sector diversification came through, with business services, automotive, cleantech and life sciences all rising in significance and becoming the likely “next wave” for investors,” the report continues.

Sita concludes, “Given the growth potential in and relative underdevelopment of many African markets, the primary focus for many companies over the past few years has been on entering new markets, capturing market share and driving revenue growth.

A combination of factors — including tightening economic conditions, increasingly well-informed consumers and citizens, intensifying competition, a heightened sense of global geopolitical uncertainty, and shifting priorities from global or regional Headquarters — is now driving a change in focus toward striking a greater balance between growth, profitability and risk management.”

Brexit impact

In a recent blog post regarding the impact of Brexit on economies, John-David Lovelock, Research vice president at Gartner predicted that business discretionary IT investments will probably suffer in the short term, and new, larger and long-term strategic projects are likely to be put on hold.

“Amongst all the uncertainty, corporations have to take certain actions. CIO clients must determine their risk, how they are exposed for data, location . . . and for technology services clients, we say ‘your goal here is to try to throw a little more in the way of certainty into the market’,” said Mr Lovelock.

— ITWeb.
AfDB Approves Industrialization Strategy
July 27, 2016
Business Reporter
Zimbabwe Herald

THE African Development Bank has approved the group’s Industrialisation Strategy for Africa 2016-2025 and has mobilised up to $56 billion as part of efforts to scale up Africa’s economic transformation. The strategy signifies a roadmap for implementing priority programmes to increase the industrial revolution of Africa. The strategy was approved on the 14th of this month.The bank will support African countries by championing six flagship programmes namely fostering successful industrial policies, catalysing funding in infrastructure and industrial projects, growing liquid and effective capital markets, promoting and driving enterprise development, promoting strategic partnerships and developing efficient industry clusters.

In a statement, AfDB said the strategy addresses key issues such as why Africa needs to industrialise, what it will take to industrialise Africa and how AfDB will help to industrialise Africa.

“Africa’s industrialisation agenda, one of the bank group’s top priorities for the continent’s economic transformation, received a boost this week with the approval of the bank group’s Industrialisation strategy for Africa 2016-2025.

“In designing the strategy, the bank underscored the vital roles that industrialisation plays in development as it leverages all the value chains of economic activity ranging from raw materials to finished products.

“It catalyses productivity by introducing new equipment and new techniques, increases the capabilities of the workforce, and diffuses these improvements into the wider economy. It generates formal employment, which in turn creates social stability. It improves the balance of trade by creating goods for export and replacing imports,” read the statement.

The group added that the strategy aims to develop industrial sectors and policy framework, enhance trade and integrate Africa into the regional and international value chains and boost competitiveness and value creation by expanding supply of business services to maximise impact on the performance of industries and vice-versa.

“To achieve these goals, the strategy would rely on five enablers which the bank will mainstream into flagship programmes. These are: supportive policy, legislation and institutions; Conducive economic environment and infrastructure; access to capital; Access to markets; and competitive talents, capabilities, and entrepreneurship,” reads the statement.

The bank said it would increase its level of funding and crowding-in third party resources.

“It would also increase its level of funding and crowding-in third party resources to the tune of $35 to $56 billion over the next decade. The Bank will also leverage additional resources through partnership with other DFIs, relevant UN agencies, AUC, RECs, and special purpose vehicles providing seed funds. In addition, substantial amounts will be mobilised through syndication and co-financing in support of phased programs that would be specific to local contexts and in line with the countries’ development goals.

“Industrialise Africa” will build on synergies across the other H5’s — Light up and power Africa, Feed Africa, Integrate Africa, and Improve the quality of life for the people of Africa — by virtue of its cross-cutting agenda.

“Prepared in consultation with the relevant UN organisations such as UNIDO, UNECA as well as internal multi sectoral and external consultations, the African Industrialisation agenda is grounded on the SDGs which recognise that industrialisation is the right path to accelerate growth the Action Plan for Accelerated Industrial Development of Africa (AIDA) Regional Economic Communities (RECs) industrial policies,” AfDB said.
Zimbabwe Government to Launch Women’s Bank
July 27, 2016
Melody Mashaire
Zimbabwe Herald

Government will soon launch a women’s bank that will provide financial support to small and medium enterprises run by women, a Cabinet minister has said. The Ministry of Women’s Affairs, Gender and Community Development in partnership with the International Trade Centre has started collecting data of women business associations and collective enterprises that exist in Zimbabwe with the exercise scheduled to end on August 20.The exercise is being undertaken as part of the European Union trade and private sector development programme assistance being implemented in Zimbabwe.

Minister of Woman Affairs, Gender and Community Development Nyasha Chikwinya said the bank would be opened after the establishment of the database of SMEs operated by women.

“What is even more exiting about this database is we will soon be opening the first women’s bank in Zimbabwe, we will then know who is doing what, not through a project proposal, but through a data base so that we do not have people that will tell us stories that I’m doing this and that .

“This is our fall-back position to identify woman in business and who is going to be assisted with funding.

“We are going to rope in several other partners and the International Trade Centre is going to lead the process,” she said.

She added that women owned and women managed enterprises and associations make a key contribution to Zimbabwe’s economy.

“In order to enable women’s enterprises to grow, become more competitive and fulfil their potential, greater financial and organisational support is needed,” she said.

Minister Chikwinya said the creation of a database is aimed at identifying existing business women’s associations, especially their number, geographic location, sectors they represent, objectives of their associations and key business constrains.

“The Ministry of Women Affairs, Gender and Community Development needs the collaboration of line Government ministries, intermediary organisations and development organisations in availing their valid databases of existing business women associations in Zimbabwe for collaboration into one comprehensive national data base,” she said.
Zimbabwe President Mugabe Meets War Veterans Today
July 27, 2016
Tendai Mugabe Senior Reporter
Zimbabwe Herald

War veterans from all corners of the country are converging in Harare today in a show of solidarity with their patron, President Mugabe. War collaborators and ex-detainees have also been invited. This comes in the wake of a treasonous communiqué attacking President Mugabe that was covertly issued to members of the media by a clique of power hungry war veterans last week.

The President has repeatedly stressed the need for unity in the party. Today he is expected to speak on the challenges faced by war veterans and alleged divisions in the party. Zimbabwe National Liberation War Veterans Association secretary for lands Cde George Matenda, who is part of a team that organised today’s event, confirmed the solidarity meeting.

He said President Mugabe, in his capacity as ZNLWVA patron, would address the freedom fighters. “It is a solidarity meeting with our patron. All comrades are invited to come and show their support to their patron,” he said.

No one has claimed authorship of the subversive communiqué. Government has since activated its security agencies to establish the origins and authorship of the communiqué.

War veterans disowned it through their parent ministry led by Welfare Services for War Veterans, War Collaborators and Former Political Detainees Minister Retired Colonel Tshinga Dube, who expressed doubts that such a document could have been issued by genuine war veterans.

The document was written in a language that could not be ascribed to trained cadres whose loyalty to their leadership is beyond doubt.
Masvingo to Host Zanu-PF Indaba
July 27, 2016
From George Maponga in Masvingo
Zimbabwe Herald

Zanu-PF has selected Masvingo province to host this year’s 16th Annual National People’s conference in December with the ruling party provincial leadership expected to meet to constitute committees to spearhead preparations. Last year’s conference was held in the prime tourist resort of Victoria Falls in Matabeleland North. Masvingo province last hosted the ruling party’s Annual National People’s Conference in December 2003.

Zanu-PF acting Masvingo provincial chairman Cde Amasa Nhenjana yesterday said the province had been chosen to host this year’s National People’s conference. Cde Nhenjana said party secretary for Administration Dr Ignatius Chombo wrote to the party provincial leadership recently informing them of the decision.

“We are going to meet at the end of this week as members of the Zanu-PF provincial executive to officially start preparations for this year’s 16th Annual National People’s Conference in early December,’’ he said.

“The dates and other such information as the venue have not yet been revealed, but we will be meeting to set up the various committees that will spearhead preparations for the annual conference,’’ he added.

Cde Nhenjana said the ruling party provincial executive will seek guidance from senior party leaders in the province such as Politburo members Cdes Josaya Hungwe and Masvingo Provincial Affairs Minister Senator Shuvai Mahofa on the choice of the venue.

“Personally, I think it will be good if the celebrations were to be held at the Great Zimbabwe monuments or Masvingo Teachers’ College, but this is my own opinion and our ruling party leaders in the province will give us guidance. We will stand guided by them,’’ Cde Nhenjana said.

The last Zanu-PF Annual People’s Conference in Masvingo was held at Masvingo Teachers’ College. Masvingo’s selection to host this year’s Zanu-PF Annual National People’s Conference comes after the province successfully hosted President Mugabe’s 92nd birthday commemorations at the Great Zimbabwe monuments.

The Zanu-PF Politburo will set dates and the theme for the conference that normally runs for a week with around 5 000 party members from across the country and beyond in attendance.
Zimbabwe Soldiers Receive July Salaries
July 27, 2016
Zimbabwe Herald
Bulawayo Bureau

Soldiers received their July salaries on Monday as Government started paying its workers’ salaries for this month. In interviews, soldiers confirmed Government had honored its promise to pay them.

“We received our salaries today and we are happy that the Government honored its promise. We hope that efforts are being made to ensure that our salaries are paid on time every month,” said a soldier who requested anonymity.

The Government released the civil servants’ pay dates for July last week. Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare Minister Prisca Mupfumira said the army and the Air Force of Zimbabwe would be paid yesterday followed by the health sector tomorrow.

She said the Zimbabwe Republic Police and the Zimbabwe Prisons and Correctional Services would be paid on July 29, followed by the education sector on August 2. The rest of the civil service, Minister Mupfumira said, would get their salaries on August 6 while the pensioners will be paid on August 12.

Workers at grant-aided institutions will receive their July salaries as well as their 2015 bonuses on August 16.
Paul Robeson, Black Dockworkers, And Labor-Left Pan-Africanism
JULY 25, 2016

This is a guest post by Peter Cole, a historian of the twentieth-century United States, South Africa and comparative history. Dr. Cole is Professor of History at Western Illinois University. He is the author of Wobblies on the Waterfront: Interracial Unionism in Progressive Era Philadelphia (University of Illinois Press, 2013) and currently at work on a book entitled Dockworker Power: Race, Technology & Unions in Durban and the San Francisco Bay Area. He writes on labor history and politics and tweets from @ProfPeterCole

Paul Robeson was one of the greatest black internationalists of the twentieth century. A gifted actor and singer, he was also an unabashed leftist and union supporter. This resulted in his bitter persecution, destroying his career and causing, to a surprising degree, his disappearance from popular–if not academic–memory. Robeson’s connections to the fiery black dockworkers of the San Francisco Bay illuminate a form of black internationalism still left out of scholarly analyses –what I will refer to as Labor-Left Pan-Africanism.

Robeson’s life exemplified Pan-Africanism, a global movement of politically conscious black people who believed they shared much in common with all people of African descent in Africa and across the African Diaspora. In the 1930s, Robeson embraced this ideology, along with communism, and supported the Soviet Union. Robeson and other leftwing, Pan-African black intellectuals and activists—such as W. E. B. Du Bois, Eslanda Robeson, Vicki Garvin, and Hubert Harrison—fought long and hard for racial equality in the United States and for liberation of African and Caribbean nations abroad.

Robeson connected struggles for civil rights with socialism and working class politics. His interest in black equality first came from his father, William Drew Robeson, who was born a slave and successfully liberated himself. Robeson’s leftist politics emerged in the 1930s, first visiting the Soviet Union in 1934, and subsequently embracing socialism for treating black people as equals. He combined politics and artistry from then onwards.

In 1935, Robeson performed in the London debut of the American play Stevedore.1 The reviewer in the NAACP’s Crisis magazine concluded: “Stevedore is extremely valuable in the racial–social question—it is straight from the shoulder.” Later that year, he also played the lead in C. L. R. James’ take on Toussaint L’Ouverture, itself written shortly before James’ classic history of the Haitian Revolution, The Black Jacobins (1938).

In 1937, back in the United States, Robeson helped to establish the Council on African Affairs (CAA), which promoted African liberation in an era when few Americans actively engaged in such matters. Perhaps its greatest achievement came in 1946, when the CAA submitted a memorandum to the United Nations Commission on Human Rights in support of the African National Congress (ANC). Led by its US-educated President, Alfred Xuma, the ANC successfully fought to prevent the annexation of South-West Africa (now Namibia) by racist, white minority-ruled South Africa. Alas, the CAA was red-baited out of existence shortly after this victory.

In 1942, during WWII, Robeson traveled to Oakland to champion the black and white union workers contributing to the Allied war effort on the home front. One of Robeson’s most famous photos shows him singing the “Star Spangled Banner” amidst a sea of black and white workers at Moore Shipyard in Oakland. The image captures his politics brilliantly, all the more so since Robeson had worked as a shipbuilder, during WWI.

After WWII, the Cold War commenced and black people linked to communism, like Robeson and Du Bois, were persecuted by the US State Department, the FBI, and many so-called patriots intolerant of dissent. Historian Penny M. Von Eschen cites Robeson’s “extreme advocacy on behalf of the independence of the colonial peoples of Africa” as an explanation for his career’s destruction in the Red Scare. I would also add his labor activism.

Just like Robeson, many of the black dockworkers I study adhered to Labor-Left Pan-Africanism. In the San Francisco Bay Area, thousands of African Americans belonged to the International Longshore & Warehouse Union (ILWU).2  This leftwing union was renowned for its fierce and proud commitment to racial equality and black internationalism. Indeed, during WWII, Robeson became an honorary member of the ILWU. Robeson and the ILWU were, in many ways, a perfect fit.

The ILWU was—and remains—amongst America’s most radical unions, led for decades by its leftist President Harry Bridges and supported by many leftists in the rank-and-file. The union put socialism into action in its hiring halls, which dispatched members based upon a “low man out” system in which the person with the fewest amount of hours worked, that quarter, received the first available job.

In keeping with its politics, the ILWU attacked racism on the waterfront beginning with its initial “Big Strike” even though the workforce was 99% white in 1934. Local 10 welcomed thousands of African Americans during the WWII-induced shipping boom and these blacks, alongside leftist white allies, fully integrated their union and fought for civil rights in the Bay Area and nationwide. Due to their aggressive efforts, ILWU Local 10, which represents dockworkers in San Francisco, Oakland, and throughout the Bay Area, became black majority in the mid-1960s with blacks elected to every leadership position available. Truly, the ILWU embodied what historian Robert Korstad labeled “civil rights unionism.”

Robeson understood the significance of the ILWU as a platform from which to demand civil rights. Two of Robeson’s best friends– Joe Johnson and Revels Cayton— belonged to the ILWU. Together, these three black men articulated a commitment to Labor-Left Pan-Africanism.

The best example of its Pan-Africanism was ILWU’s commitment to the struggle against apartheid and, more broadly, for the liberation of all the peoples of southern Africa. In the 1950s and 1960s, the union repeatedly condemned white-minority rule in South Africa and also noted the ironic similarities with Jim Crow segregation in the States. In the 1970s and 1980s, rank-and-file members of ILWU Local 10 formed the Southern Africa Liberation Support Committee, which stood at the vanguard of black working class anti-apartheid activism during this period. Leo Robinson, Texas-born and a child of the 2nd Great Migration to Oakland, followed in his father’s footsteps to the waterfront in 1963. In Local 10 Robinson became a communist and activist who helped found the SALSC after the Soweto student uprising of 1976. Although Robeson died that same year, after declining health and decades in forced retirement due to McCarthyism, other radical longshoremen inspired by socialism and liberation movements in Africa joined Robinson and following in Robeson’s footsteps.

The black and white members of the SALSC fought for the liberation of black people in South Africa, Mozambique, Rhodesia, and elsewhere in the best way they knew how: direct action on the job. To leftist, Pan-African dockworkers, the most logical way to attack apartheid and racial capitalism was flexing their economic muscle, i.e. stop work. In 1962, 1977, and for eleven days in 1984 (shortly after Reagan’s landslide re-election), they refused to unload South African cargo. By contrast, other black Pan-Africanists embraced consumer boycotts or economic divestment. Local 10’s actions set the bar for US anti-apartheid activism and helped inspire many in the Bay Area to join the solidarity struggle. Nelson Mandela thanked the union on his first visit to Oakland in 1990 and Robinson received a posthumous award from the now-democratic South African government.

Long after his death, Paul Robeson continued to inspire African Americans in the ILWU including the Bay Area’s Alex Bagwell. Like Leo Robinson, Bagwell’s family moved to San Francisco during WWII. In the 1960s, he dropped out of college after admission to the union, which had elevated so many black folks into the middle class. Like Robeson, Bagwell was a leftist and active in the union’s anti-apartheid efforts. He and his wife, Harriett, belonged to a radical choir, Vukani Mawethu, founded by a South African who belonged to the ANC and had gone into exile. Alex and his wife were among those in Vukani who sang when Mandela visited Oakland.

In the early 1990s, though not yet retired, Bagwell finished his B.A. and then earned his M.A. in Creativity and Arts Education at San Francisco State University. For his graduate degree, he wrote a play on Robeson’s life, conducting interviews with twenty people who knew him including Local 10 member Joe Johnson, Robeson’s long-time friend.

After the birth of a multiracial, democratic South Africa, the Bagwells traveled to the country, as part of Vukani Mawethu, to perform there. Other black and white radicals in the ILWU did so, as well. The Pan-Africanism of these dockworkers clearly followed in the footsteps of Robeson, who first championed the rights of black South Africans in the 1940s. The spirit and ideals of Robeson continue to shape the Pan-Africanism of working class black dockworkers who now have established connections with black dockworkers in South African ports. Robeson would be proud.

 Stevedore is an older term for dockworker or longshoreman, workers who load and unload cargo ships. ↩
The ILWU’s original name was the International Longshoremen’s & Warehousemen’s Union but, in 1997, a resolution was approved, unanimously at its biennial convention, that made its name gender-neutral. “What’s in a Name? For ILWU, it’s not ‘men’,” Journal of Commerce, May 4, 1997: ↩

Tuesday, July 26, 2016

Gai Sworn-in as South Sudan’s First VP, Urges One Army
July 26, 2016 (JUBA) – The former chief negotiator for South Sudan’s armed opposition, Taban Deng Gai was on Tuesday sworn-in as First Vice President, replacing Riek Machar who fled the nation following the recent clashes between rival forces in the capital, Juba.

Gai, appointed on Monday by President Salva Kiir in a decree, vowed to work with the former to restore ,, address economic crisis and ensure return of civilians displaced by the conflict to their homes.

He said ending the war required cooperation with the international community.

“To achieve this [peace] Mr. President, we must cooperate with the international community provided that they respect this country,” said a rather emotional Gai.

In what appears to be a shift from the provisions of the peace agreement that requires two armies for a period of 18 months, Gai suggested that this provision be scrapped.

“This country has a constitution, this country have a president and have a law to be followed. Your Excellence Mr. President, as I said, you are my commander in chief. The country cannot have two armies,” he said.

Gai was nominated by armed opposition faction (SPLM-IO) in Juba over the weekend as replacement for Machar, who is the chairman of the SPLM-IO. President Kiir formally appointed Gai as First Vice President in a decree announced on Monday.

Kiir, however, said he did not influence the decision to replace Machar with Gai.

“Comrade Taban Deng Gai was selected by the SPLM/A IO to replace Dr. Riek Machar whose whereabouts are not known to all of us,” said the South Sudanese leader.

“I have been appealing to him [First Vice President Riek Machar] to come back to Juba so that we continue with the implementation of the agreement. Of course this agreement cannot be personalized that if X is away, the agreement can be shelved until when that person comes. That cannot happen,” he added.

Machar has said he would only return to the capital, Juba when a third force proposed by regional countries and approved by the African Union is deployed in the young nation.

SPLM-IO Accuses President Kiir’s Forces of Fresh Attacks
July 26, 2016 (JUBA) – South Sudanese forces loyal to President Salva Kiir have been accused of carrying out fresh attacks against forces of the Sudan People’s Liberation Army in Opposition (SPLA-IO) led by the former First Vice President, Riek Machar.

Machar was replaced on Monday with his ex-minister of Mining, Taban Deng Gai, in a process described as illegal by his officials but accepted by President Kiir, who appointed Gai as acting First Vice President.

President Kiir said he did not know where Machar has been hiding and could not respond to his 48 hours ultimatum. His former deputy has been demanding deployment of third party force in order to guarantee his safety in Juba following fighting two weeks ago which forced him to flee from the capital.

The former first deputy has however remained in charge of the SPLA-IO forces across the country as well as continuing to lead over 95% of the political leadership, according to his officials.

While President Kiir has called on Machar to return to Juba despite being replaced with Gai, his spokesperson said forces loyal to President Kiir have instead gone on offensive to hunt for his former deputy in the bushes, south and west of the capital, Juba.

“Their forces have been on offensive since last week, and our forces have been repulsing them in self-defence. There maybe escalation of fighting due to this violation of the July 11 cessation of hostilities declared by the two leaders,” Machar’s spokesperson, James Gatdet Dak, said on Tuesday.

“Even today [Tuesday] they have continued to dispatch troops from Juba and from other locations such as Maridi to go into the bushes to hunt for our Chairman and Commander-in-Chief, Dr. Riek Machar,” he added.

He said hundreds of President Kiir’s forces are believed to have been killed in the forests, saying “it is unfortunate to continue to waste lives of soldiers.”

He also added that helicopter gunships belonging to the faction loyal to President Kiir have been bombing forests randomly trying to locate and harm Machar and his forces.

Dak however said Machar is together with his troops and will continue to fight back in self-defence, or “even pursue President Kiir’s forces” if the attacks will continue.

He said he has been in contact with Machar whom he described as well protected by his forces.

The opposition leader’s spokesperson said the leadership of the SPLA-IO forces are not however interested in further escalating the fighting. He called on President Kiir to stop his forces from carrying out the attacks in search for Machar.

Phyllis Ntantala: Our Greatest Feminist Intellectual
Paul Trewhela
Politics Web South Africa
25 July 2016

Paul Trewhela on a heroic life spent challenging the curse of patriarchal slavishness

Activist academic Phyllis Ntantala, who died in the United States on 17th July aged 96, was surely the greatest South African feminist intellectual of our lifetime.

Born in Dutywa, a daughter of Gqubeni on the Nqabarha River, a daughter of Lovedale College and of Fort Hare, a liberation struggle stalwart and international academic, she was also the wife of one of South Africa’s greatest black academics and scholars of his generation, Professor AC Jordan, and the mother of one of the most eminent political intellectuals of the subsequent generation, the former Culture Minister, Pallo Jordan.

As a member of the anti-Stalinist Non-European Unity Movement in the Cape, she challenged the curse of patriarchal slavishness with all her being, all her life.

With Phyllis Ntantala, the Eastern Cape straightens its spine, stands up, lifts its chin, and remembers its heritage as the cradle of intellectual freedom in southern Africa.

You can just see it in her portrait as a young woman on the updated cover of her autobiography, A Life’s Mosaic (published originally in the US in 1992, and republished in South Africa in an updated edition in 2009).

In the portrait she looks open-eyed straight into the face of the observer, her mouth set, unafraid.

What a portrait! What a woman!

She died, as she lived, and as she presents herself as author, under her maiden name. There she is, her own woman, second to none.

Her story, like its subject, is best told in her own words.

In her essay “The widows of the reserves” published in South Africa in 1958, Ntantala spoke from what she knew from her own childhood, close at hand but not her own experience, writing about “those young women in the prime of early womanhood left to face life alone, burdened with the task of building a home and rearing a family …doomed to nurse alone their sick babies, weep alone over their dead babies, dress and bury alone their corpses.”

This was “the daily lot of tens of thousands of African women whose husbands are torn away from them to go and work in the cities, mines and farms – husbands who because of the migratory labour system cannot take their wives with them and, because of the starvation wages they receive, are forced to remain in the work centres for long periods…”.

Any attempt to summarise Ntantala's poignant account of the impact of South Africa’s urban and industrial growth over the past century and a half, and particularly within the apartheid framework, would be to sell her short.

“Widowhood – a life of void and loneliness; a period of tension, unbalance and strenuous adjustment. And what can it be to those thousands of African women – those adolescent girls married before they reach womanhood, thrown into a life of responsibility before they have completely passed from childhood to adulthood…?”

The men too, she continues, become “strangers in a strange land, but equally strangers at home to their wives and children.”

For Ntantala principle was a primary imperative. A reason for exile: “Like [the Russian revolutionary, Leon] Trotsky, I did not leave home with the proverbial one-and-six in my pocket. I come from a family of the landed gentry in Transkei, the kulaks of that area. I could, like many others in my class, have chosen the path of comfort and safety, for even in apartheid South Africa, there is still that path for those who will collaborate.

"But I chose the path of struggle and uncertainty.”

On her return to the Eastern Cape in extreme old age, she experienced the truth of modern South Africa, as if she’d been an ordinary woman in Khayelitsha, or Duncan Village, or a hundred other places.

She told the modern story the way it is, just as she always told it, with deference towards none.

“Places of death, not life.” That is what she called the hospitals of the poor, of the unwanted, the disposable: South Africa’s millions living outside the safety net of private health insurance.

“The state of public hospitals in the Eastern Cape is horrific. And I understand that the conditions I encountered there also apply to similar hospitals in other parts of the country,” she wrote in an article under her maiden name in the Mail & Guardian in October 2006, when she was 86.

“My assessments are based both on personal experience as a patient at the Nelson Mandela Academic Hospital in Mthatha in June this year [2006] and on two visits to Mjanyana TB Hospital in the Ngcobo district, as well on information gleaned in discussions with health workers in the province,” she wrote.

“Although I am a retired professor of English and history [at Wayne State University, in Detroit, Michigan], I also have experience in the health field, having been a certified caregiver in the states of New York and Michigan for 14 years until 2003.”

She then went on to lay bare the painful reality of the Eastern Cape health system.

“I was born and raised in the Eastern Cape. On a visit home I collapsed on the night of June 7 and was admitted as an emergency case to the intensive care unit at Nelson Mandela Hospital.

“There I was stripped and lay naked in bed under an obviously used sheet for two days until a member of my family managed to bring me some night clothes.

“In all my 80-plus years I have never felt as insulted as I did for those two days and nights lying naked in that bed.”

“Never felt as insulted” ... this said by a woman from the Eastern Cape, during whose first seven decades of life apartheid bestrode the sub-continent like a Colossus, and whose son Pallo suffered a near-death experience and serious wounds at Eduardo Mondlane University in Maputo on August 17 1982 when Ruth First – in the same room – opened a parcel bomb sent to her by the apartheid death squad, which killed her.

Through her words Phyllis Ntantala continues speaking to us as if today.

The hospital in Mthatha was a “modern, state-of-the-art facility, well designed and with the latest equipment.

“Unfortunately, however, some of the equipment malfunctions. Toilet tanks, for example…. Waste is not flushed away.

“Nobody seemed to know why this should be so, or why lights in the wards are dim or do not function at all, or why there are no lights or bells for patients to summon help.”

After two days she asked to be discharged.

“I felt I was safer at home than in the hospital. I only hoped when I left that my already thrice-used sheets were sent to the laundry.”

More shocking revelations were to come.

First, the article was not her first resort to protest.

“I relayed my experience and my findings, in writing, to both the national and provincial ministers of health and only resolved to go public when I did not even receive the courtesy of a reply.”

This was the mother of a cabinet minister in Thabo Mbeki’s government!

Unforgivable. Yet the normal fate of nameless thousands, for whom this woman of letters now spoke about a hospital with the name “Nelson Mandela”….

Then she found even worse conditions when she later visited Mjanyana TB Hospital. “A place of death, not life.”

She later returned to the US.

But even in that distant land Ntantala, never forgot who she was or where she had come from.

Who else would have prefaced her life’s story like this: “It was one evening at the Lincoln Centre in New York. Pavarotti's voice filled the auditorium with 'Mama', one of those arias he sings so well, and the audience, in appreciation, gave him a thunderous ovation. As he came back for yet another bow, my mind suddenly flashed back, and that other world to which I once belonged came into sharp focus – the bends of the Nqabarha River….

“I sat down, cupped my head in my hands and bowed my head, softly saying to myself: ‘How strange! Little do all these people know … I come from Gqubeni along the bends of the Nqabarha River. That's where my roots are. That's me!’”

For Ntantala to have died in the United States is to South Africa’s shame. Not just the shame of the old apartheid system but the shame of the supposedly new and free South Africa, in which her son served in government and helped negotiate the current Constitution.

Yet through A Life’s Mosaic she has bestowed upon us a great legacy.

It should be compulsory reading for the informal groups of high-achieving young women who maintain the best standards in the banks, public companies and other institutions in South Africa today.

The curse of patriarchal slavishness – never so brazen or shamefully coarse in public affairs as today, under President Jacob Zuma’s administration – withered under her gaze, and under her pen.

Nothing was more foreign to this woman than the culture of cadre deployment, the party list and slate politics of the so-called New South Africa, by which women with not a fraction of her qualities are catapulted into the highest offices in the land (provided they shut their mouths or are praise singers of Number 1).

Phyllis Ntantala remains a beacon of courage, achievement, integrity and intellectual stature for South Africa’s women of today and tomorrow – the best of guides to a better future.
It is time to reclaim that heritage.

* Paul Trewhela, a former political prisoner, was editor of the MK news-sheet Freedom Fighter during the Rivonia Trial and is a retired teacher